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CIS
Colonia Libertad,
Avenida Bolívar # 103
San Salvador, El Salvador
Centroamérica
Teléfonos:
(503) 2226-5362
(503) 2235-1330
e-mail: cis_elsalvador@yahoo.com
October 24-December 18 2000
- El Salvador Begins Dollarization Process: Economic Integration or Neo-Colonization?
- CTE-Telecom Continues with their Institutional Anti-Unionism
- FMLN Celebrates its 13th Convention
- Assembly Approves Free Trade Agreement with Mexico
- Posada Carriles, the Iberamerican Summit, and El Salvador: The Story of an American Terrorist
- Solidarity in Action: Cinquera's Revolutionary Ecological Park
El Salvador Begins Dollarization Process: Economic Integration or Neo-Colonization?
On Thursday November 30th, after a nine hour debate, the Legislative Assembly decided to give the green light to the Monetary Integration Law. This law was approved with votes by ARENA, PCN, PDC, AND PAN, which totaled 49. The FMLN and the CDU abstained from voting. Furthermore, in the same session, the parliamentary right agreed to sell the 25% of the ex-ANTEL (now CTE-Telecom) that had remained in the hands of the government. The proposal for the said law was announced by President Flores on November 22 who then sent it to the Assembly the very same day. The essence of the Monetary Integration Law stipulates the dollarization of the Salvadoran economy and establishes the obligatory use of the dollar in the financing system. On the night of November 22, Flores, on national TV and radio, exaggerated the benefits of the law in order to convince the citizens of the positive aspects of the economic proposal. In reality the law will benefit only a few: the banking sector, the United States and the economic elite within the ARENA government - the official party which fears a healthy and genuine alternative in power.
The law, which has hypocritically been called "Monetary Integration", consists of 20 articles that basically boil down to three objectives: establish the exchange rate at 8.75 colones per dollar (for a limited time); establish the dollar as a legal currency; and establish the dollar as the official currency of the financial system, which, in practical terms, means the dollarization of the economy even though the government went to great lengths trying to disguise the law as "bimonetaryism" because in theory the colon will continue to have legal value In addition, Article 9 of the law establishes that financial operations such as bank deposits, credits, pensions, title emissions and whatever other transaction done by or through the banking sector, for example institutional accounts, will all be in dollars.
The principal reason given by Flores for implementing the "economic integration" is to reduce the interest rates which, according to the president, the country will be able to rise out of its economic crisis. However, in reality the reduction of the interest rates does not derive from the law itself, but rather is an independent reality which the banks control. Furthermore, El Salvador has had a set exchange rate since 1992 without resulting in a drop in interest rates. In addition, they have promised an increase in the growth rate of the country and a reduction of inflation - much more than can be achieved with the dollarization of the economy.
The example that the Flores used to illustrate the benefits of the law consisted of this explanation: If a farmer pays 10,000 colones a month for credit with a 17% interest rate over five years with the dollarization he/she will pay 5,500 colones instead of 10,000 because the interest rate will drop from 17 to 11% and the ayments will be over 10 years instead of 5. The president did not think that the population would do the calculating (knowing that the low level of education of the majority of the population would make it difficult to do), but the farmer, at the end of 10 years, would end up paying 60,000.00 colones more than the he would paying over 5 years with a higher interest rate. The problem of credit lies in how to guarantee it to those who have never had it. In addition, the government has avoided the fact that in addition to lowering the interest rates on credits the interest rate of savings will also be lowered.
Article 5 of the law establishes that "the colon bills and their coins emitted before the present law takes effect will continue to have legal effectiveness in permanent form, but the banking institutions should change them for dollars when presented for any transaction. The Central Reserve Bank of El Salvador will provide dollars to the banks through the respective exchange. This means that they not only are stopping the production of the colon but that when any banking institution is presented colones they will give change in dollars. Therefore there will be a complete dollarization within 6 or 7 months under the guise of "bimonetaryism" (which the government used in order to pass the law with only a simple majority). The president of the Central Reserve Bank, Rafael Barraza, confirmed that in order to meet the enormous demand for dollars, they will use the institution's reserves, in dollars, which means that the Central Reserve Bank is willing to get rid of the international reserves in order to dollarize. The CRB will not only leave the country in a vulnerable position due to the loss of the international reserves, but it also renounces its duty to develop monetary policies which, in addition to being a constitutional duty, is key to a healthy economy.
The dollarization does not constitute a realistic answer to the grave economic problems of the country. According to Flores, the dollarization responds to the high interest rates facing the productive sector. The government assures its success and compares it with the privatization process (violations of worker's rights, massive firings, uncontrolled raising prices, continued bureaucracy?). It will not reactivate the economy because it does not directly affect the subjects of credit. El Salvador is confronting deficit problems, limited development of its export base, rising indices of external debt (public and private), inflationary trends, increasing commercial gaps, a general weak functioning of internal production and institutional weakness particularly in the financial sector.
Dollarization
Despite the dollarization being an ARENA plan since 1995, it came as a surprise for all sectors. Concretely, the so called "economic reactivation" was being developed for the past eight months. The economic cabinet, the day after the announced "economic integration", lanced an explanation on the Legislative Deputies saying that the plan was elaborated not only in the Presidential House, but also in meetings with the international financial institutions in Washington, USA. According to the World Bank, the IMF, and the Inter-American Development Bank (IABD) they advised the process for more than a dozen meetings. One can safely conclude that the binding of the Salvadoran economy to that of the United States was accelerated under the patronage of United States and these international financial institutions. This effort consists in integrating the economy of El Salvador under the hegemony of the United States, ceding its monetary sovereignty to the U.S.
On the same night, November 30th, the Secretary of Treasury of the U.S. gave his support of "the decision of El Salvador to use the dollar of the United States as a legal currency." The functionaries of the IMF, World Bank, and IADB have also expressed support of the measure.
It constitutes a failed attempt to respond to the failures of the economic model - a model imposed by the Structural Adjustment Programs which converted the Salvadoran economy into one of services. The "Monetary Integration" is a farce. It is a smoke screen which hides the structural problems of the Salvadoran society. Among its principal objectives is that of trying to avoid the devaluation of the colon, whose exchange rate has been artificially maintained at 8.75 = $1.00 for the last eight years. In addition the law looks to augment the earnings of the banks by increasing the number of debtors and by increasing the number of payments. The Executive and the international financial institutions did not consult the civil society, the political parties, the producers, exporters, or anybody in El Salvador. Instead, the government decided to manage it as propaganda and within 8 days, without any debate or explanation, their traditional allies in the Congress approved a law that will deepen the economic crisis even more.
Even more importantly are the long term consequences, as foreseen by ARENA, for the new party that assumes power. A new party that assumes power will not be able to create a monetary policy which will then assure economic security for the same few that currently have the wealth in their hands. The official party is preparing to place the FMLN in a difficult situation once they assume power.
The approval of the law was part of a complex agreement trade between ARENA and PCN which included an agreement to not revoke the impunity of Francisco Merino, ex-vice-president and current president of the legislative fraction of the PCN, who while intoxicated fired, with intent to kill, at various police officers gravely wounding a police agent. Whether he would be tried or not depended on whether the Legislative Assembly would revoke his impunity or not. ARENA who in the beginning supported taking away his impunity, at the last moment said there was not indisputable evidence and voted for Merino's impunity. It is said that Merino paid the agent 250,000 to drop her demand. The proposal should have been the fruit of a profound analysis, reflection, and democratic participation. The government has not been able to clearly demonstrate the benefits of the measure. Among the population one perceives confusion and misinterpretations. The banks have not delayed in praising the law, which makes its benefits doubtful knowing the banks lucrative history.
Flores himself has argued that one of the objectives is to "eliminate the possibility of a representative or government arbitrarily devaluing the currency." He is trying to initiate mistrust towards the political opposition, blaming it for the devaluation of the colon while it was under his term and his party that the colon was not able to be maintained. Among the things he hasn't said is the fact that in order to establish a regimen of dollarization, total labor flexibility is required. - this implies elimination of the minimum wage and elimination of labor regulations. Furthermore, economists say that the government will raise the IVA (value added tax) 4 points (which would make the total 17%) in order to recuperate the inevitable devaluation of the colon. Unilaterally ARENA decided to utilize the funds (dollars) from the sale of ANTEL to provide enough dollars instead of using them for social investment as was planned. No matter what, the law will take effect January 1st, 2000. There is the need to analyze the consequences that it will have on the economy. For now, no benefits for the majority are foreseen, but rather the contrary - a worsening of the already precarious economic situation. With dollarization, prices will increase due to the rounding up of the exchange and, because of a high level of illiteracy in the country, it will cause great confusion in the population. Therefore, dollarization will convert into a mechanism through which the population will continue to be manipulated. For the majority of Salvadorans, the interest rates strikes them as indifferent because they cannot get credit. Furthermore, they do not have the financial capacity to save. Politically, winning time is useful for a government that has created an economic crisis and social unrest; but from an economic point of view, if the government will not initiate necessary social reforms, it should look for another way out before the illusion disappears or invent another strategy to buy more time.
On the part of the United States, Ambassador Rose Likens, expressed that the measure will help the economic prosperity and she believes it could halt emigration as well. "We think that if the Central American economy is successful there is no reason to immigrate to the United States. We hope it is a success", she declared in a press statement on December 4th. In reality, dollarization will not resolve the flux of emigration because it will not give them opportunities to live a dignified life, with the necessary income. On the contrary it will bring more labor "liberalization".
CTE-Telecom Continues with their Institutional Anti-Unionism
CTE-Telecom, has not only illegally fired 5 members of the SUTTEL Unified Union of Telecommunications Workers Board of Directors, but also on December 1st fired 36 workers affiliated with the union. The employees labored in the San Jorge building located in Colonia Roma, San Salvador. After obliging the workers to sign "voluntary renunciation" forms the transnational intends to evade the indemnification payment and halt the achievements of the union. In addition, as an accomplice of the Minister of Labor, the company, through legal representation, continues to drag out the legalization process of the union. On November 21st, the company filed impugnment charges against the board of directors of SUTTEL. Telecom alleges that the assembly, which elected the board, was illegal because it took place before their respective statutes took effect.
CTE-Telecom continues with their anti-unionism and repression against the workers. Their systematic campaign has been condemned by the International Labor Organization and the Supreme Court of El Salvador. The Labor Ministry is obliged to have labor rights protected under their tutelage and declare the firings illegal. The Labor Ministry, should also take into account that the repression against SUTTEL was the reason why the "benefits" for El Salvador were revised in the Caribbean Basin Initiative. The same process will open again next April.
FMLN Celebrates its 13th Convention
On Sunday December 17th, the FMLN celebrated its 13th convention with over 1300 people present including 887 voting delegates. The delegates voted on over 60 changes to their statutes. The convention was the culmination of consultations in 10 of 14 Departments of the country about the nature of the party. The party's Mission Statement, which characterizes the party as Democratic, Revolutionary, Socialist, and Pluralism within a left framework, was also incorporated into the Party Statutes, the legal document that governs the party. Themes of gender equality were added to the letter of principles and the party statutes. There will now be strong sanctions for male and female members of the party who fail to pay child support quotas. The theme of the Convention was: For a Socialist Tomorrow, Everyone in the Front Working for the People. Strong participation, motivation, and unity marked a change from recent party conventions. The unity and maturation of the party reflected demands from the base and the urgency of preparing for a probable FMLN presidential victory in 2004.
The most transcendental decisions included two unity votes supporting the elimination of tendencies and primary elections for Mayoral, Legislative Assembly, Central America Parliament (PARLACEN) and Presidential candidates as of July 2001. The elimination of Tendencies and parallel organizing will prohibit organizing separate conventions or having separate offices, which will have the most impact on the Renovator Tendency which has been doing both. The four tendencies, Revolutionary Socialist Current, Renovators, the Institutionalist and the Revolutionary Tendency will no longer be able to exist as organized fractions or pressure groups, citing the threat to the party unity. This motion came as a result of consultations with the base and not from the tendencies themselves.
All party affiliates will now have the right to elect Mayoral, Legislative Deputy, PARLACEN Deputies and Presidential candidates. Previously, convention delegates chose the candidates. In this context, resolutions were also approved to clean up the party register and to require basic political education for party affiliates. The FMLN is already set apart in El Salvador as the only party that uses a democratic process to choose its candidates. For instance, in ARENA, the 15 person Board of Directors choose all 262 mayoral candidates, 84 Deputy candidates, PARLACEN, and presidential candidates. The implementation of primary elections will not only strengthen the FMLN's internal democracy, but it will be a challenge to other parties and the country itself to strengthen democracy.
Assembly Approves Free Trade Agreement with Mexico
On Thursday December 7th, after a three hour debate, ARENA, PCN, and PAN pulled together the 45 necessary votes to pass the Free Trade Agreement with Mexico. Two months was enough for these parties to pass the document which contains 2,000 pages. The document establishes that importing and exporting between El Salvador and Mexico will be tariff free. The FMLN showed its opposition by negating its 31 votes. The FMLN considers that the agreement contains unconstitutional articles and that it could generate labor rights violations along with environmental degradation because the agreement does not include clauses for these issues.
The TLC does not have total support - while the opposition brings to public light its deficiencies and possible pillages, the official party and the Executive, defend the measure assuring that it will generate more employment (one of Flores' electoral promises). The official party and the Executive say that the agreement will bring benefits that can be compared with NAFTA. This comparison puts into clear light the demagogy of ARENA and constitutes a clear distortion of the facts along with an apologist attitude towards free trade agreements. In truth, ARENA continues the enrichment of the strongest companies at the cost of small and medium businesses. Furthermore, in spite of growing world trade, the poor countries participate less in the interchange and the benefits for rich countries' continue to increase.
From the beginning, the FMLN has demanded the inclusion of labor and environment clauses. The government has maintained their position saying that the said themes should be discussed in other "forums". The College of Professionals in Economic Science, COLPROCE, has manifested that approving the Free Trade Agreement with Mexico would cause more harm than good given the current economic situation in El Salvador. According to the College, El Salvador lacks a strategy to take advantage of the supposed advantages of the agreement.
One day before ratification, the FMLN rejected voting in favor of the agreement on the grounds that it violates five articles of the Constitution of El Salvador. Blanca Flor Bonilla, Legislative Deputy of the FMLN, stated, " It is faculty of the Legislative Organ and not the Executive to set rates, taxes, fiscal benefits and tariffs. With the Free Trade with Mexico Agreement constitutional articles 86, 131, 223, 231, and 232 are violated." In this manner the FMLN considered it critical that the Executive appropriated the right of the Assembly to approve laws by not permitting reservations or observation - a right that pertains to the Assembly according to the Constitution. For these reasons the FMLN has introduced a resolution to solicit the presence of the Commission of Foreign Relations, the Ministry of Economy, Miguel Layco, and the Chanciller, Eugenia de Avila, so they could explain the unconstitutional behavior.
The sectors against the measure have called for an impact study. FUNDE (National Foundation for Development) has said that the agreement will have a strong negative impact because it will permit the importation of products that will cause the end of small and medium businesses. The institution bases its argument in the experience of Mexico after NAFTA. The foundation's analysis points out that the impact on small and medium businesses was negative and sustains that El Salvador will suffer in the same because Mexican industry is much more developed than in this country. FUNDE did not explain why the government started to negotiate without having impact studies that would serve as a base to define what products to include and it would also serve to know what necessary internal measures to take in order to reduce the negative impacts. Ral Moreno, who is in charge of macroeconomic policies at FUNDE, expressed that it is unclear and not explained anywhere on what criteria did the government base their decisions to include certain products and exclude others. Furthermore, the government only consulted large business owners. FUNDE also says that with the ratification of the agreement discretionary power is given to a administrative commission to modify the agreement in fundamental ways without having to have them ratified by the Legislative Assembly.
During the ratification, the FMLN announced that they will present an unconstitutional demand in the Supreme Court of Justice. The Vice-Minister of Economy said that the agreement is not unconstitutional. He argues that it was the same Congress that ratified the dispositions of the World Trade Organization with respect to not modifying commercial treaties that member countries negotiate and acquire.
It is interesting to note that the agreement excludes the beer, cement, sugar, air line, vehicle industries. In this way, a few Salvadoran families can assure their monopoly of these industries. Since it is the rich of this society that promote these free trade agreements it is revealing that the most profitable industries have been excluded from the Free Trade Agreement with Mexico Agreement. And, there are no labor or environment protection clauses in the agreement even though Mexico has accepted protection clauses in other agreements. Trade agreements like this one will have a serious impact on the majority of Salvadorans.
Posada Carriles, the Iberamerican Summit, and El Salvador: The Story of an American Terrorist
On November 17, the first day of the X Iberamerican Summit, Luis Posada Carriles and seven others were arrested in Panama for organizing a complot to assassinate President Fidel Castro of Cuba.
To many Luis Posada Carriles is a mysterious figure. To those who know his work and history he is one of the world's most infamous terrorists. His aura of infamy draws not only from the crimes he has committed but he has also became a figurehead, the physical representation of all the deceptive forces that have supported him. Those forces often publicly acknowledge him as a terrorist, but the connections between him and those powerful forces are rarely made. Who is Posada Carriles? And who does he work for?
Luis Clemente Posada Carriles*
Luis Posada Carriles began working for the CIA at least since 1959 and was trained in Guatemala for the Bay of Pigs invasion.
1963, Luis Posada receives training at Ft. Benning, Georgia.
1971, still a CIA agent, Posada Carriles along with Alpha 66 arranges various plans to assassinate Castro during his visit to Chile.
1976, working with CORU (an umbrella group that carries out errorist actions against Cuba and those friendly to Cuba) Posada Carriles places a bomb at the Costa Rica-Cuba cultural center in San Jose.
October 14, 1976 Luis Posada and Orlando Bosch along with 2 Venezuelans are arrested for the October 6th bombing of Cubana Airlines plane which killed 73 people. The Cuban fencing team along with 11 Guyanese and 5 North Koreans were the victims. In addition, on October 8th (two days after the bombing) the Cuban embassy in Caracas was fired upon. Prime Minister Castro states that at least one of those arrested is a known CIA agent.
August 1985, Luis Posada escapes from a maximum security prison in Caracas, Venezuela by walking out the front door. The Cuban government charges that they have proof the CIA was involved.
October 1986, a U.S. mercenary captured in Nicaragua releases the names of two Cuban exiles who direct Contra supply operations for the CIA from El Salvador. The real identity of the two names are Felix Rodriguez and Luis Posada. Former CIA director, George Bush, denies knowing about Rodriguez' connections with the Contras. This episode leads to the congressional investigation of what is commonly known as the Iran Contra Affair.
May 1987, Felix Rodriguez testifies at the congressional investigation that he had taken Luis Posada from his prison escape to El Salvador to help direct the covert affairs.
1987, Luis Posada admits having orchestrated a dozen attacks on Cuban tourist centers in 1987.
September 1988, Senator Tom Harkin (D-Iowa) declares in a speech on the Senate floor that the American public deserves to be informed about vice-president Bush's knowledge of Luis Posada's role in the secret Contra supply operation.
Cuba accuses Luis Posada with preparing an attempt on President Castro's life during the first Iberamerican Summit, 1991. Posada was evidently planning on using a surface to air missile to assassinate Castro while he flew to the summit.
In 1992, the UN Security Council takes up the subject of deporting Orlando Bosch and Luis Posada, upon Cuba's request. The Justice Department had ruled against "sheltering" Bosch. That decision was held up at a Federal District Court but both decisions are over ruled by President Bush.
*Material adapted from Cuba and the United States, A Chronological History by Jane Franklin
In 1994, Luis Posada introduced a 50 caliber Barrette rifle in the IV Iberamerican Summit in Colombia.
In 1996 the CANF (Cuban American National Foundation, based in Miami) organizes a network of Central American mercenaries directed by Posada Carriles that executes bombing attempts in island installations.
In 1997, Cuban intelligence records telephone conversations in which Luis Posada talks of "a serious thing that could change the destiny of Cuba." Granma Daily November 23, unofficial translation.
In 1998, Luis Posada is cited as the brain behind hotel and restaurant bombings in La Habana. Two Salvadorans are also arrested for these bombing: Rene Cruz Leon and Otto Rodrguez Llerena. An Italian tourist is killed by one of the explosions. Luis Posada writes in the New York Times that bombings had been organized from El Salvador and Guatemala (Cited from La Prensa Grafica, Nov. 18, 2000, Pg. 20).
The Iberamerican Summit
The X Iberamerican Summit was held in Panama on November 17-18, 2000. The details of what took place before, during and after the Summit were well documented, especially by official Cuban sources and the Cuban media. Since June of 2000 Cuban intelligence had been monitoring the organization and preparation of the assassination attempt financed by the CANF and headed by Luis Posada. The Cuban intelligence watched and recorded all the moves of the terrorist plot. The terrorists had placed explosives in two locations: one near the airport and the other in a Panamanian University, where Fidel was scheduled to give a speech. At 1:30 p.m. on November 17, President Castro and the Director of Public Security of Cuba released the information to pertinent Panamanian authorities. The Cubans turned in extremely detailed information which left an easy arrest for the Panamanian authorities. The documents contained a physical description of each person involved, the hotel where they were staying, their room number, their cell phone number, the make and model of the vehicles they used including the license plate numbers and their alias names. In addition, the Cubans indicated the location of the explosives and had accumulated telephone and video recordings of the terrorists in action. Shortly after the information was turned over the culprits where apprehended by the Panamanian authorities. There were eight individuales involved: two Cubans, three Cuban Americans (with U.S. citizenship), two Panamanians (one was born in Cuba), and one Honduran, all males. Many have long histories in terrorist activities.
During the Summit meeting the Francisco Flores, President of El Salvador, brought to the table a proposal denouncing the terrorism committed by the ETA in Spain. Terrorism was not on the Summit agenda but was brought to the Summit via El Salvador by request of Spain. President Francisco Flores had recently made a private visit to Spain and was urged to take the matter to the Summit even though the theme had not been worked into the Summit plan.
After President Flores had stated his proposal, President Castro asked on what moral grounds could Flores denounce terrorism when El Salvador had been implicated in stationing terrorists and had done nothing to thwart the activities of Posada even though he had been residing in El Salvador and was caught with an authentic Salvadoran passport. Flores responded by accusing Castro of all the deaths in El Salvador during the civil war and stated "we have had a lot of patience with you Mr. Castro." Castro responded by reminding Flores that Cuba had sent to the governments of Calderon Sol and his own government reports that Posada was residing in El Salvador along with evidence. Castro also reminded Flores who had been responsible for the tortures, deaths, and massacres in El Salvador citing the Truth Commission and the case of the El Mozote Massacre, where the Salvadoran security forces massacred 1,000 civilians. Flores, after apparently running out of things to say, agreed to meet with Castro on a separate occasion which was later established as Mexico in the end of November. Only a few days later Flores backed out of the meeting stating, "I have nothing to say to Castro." He had also said that he wanted to avoid a "public debate".
The El Salvador Connection
Posada's connection with El Salvador goes back many years. Through the Iran Contra Affair it was uncovered that Posada was brought from his prison escape to El Salvador to work in arms shipping to the Contras. In addition he openly worked for the government during the mid - late eighties as an advisor for Duarte. He had also worked for the Salvadoran military, openly living in El Salvador until 1992. Luis Posada himself had written that the 1998 bombings in Cuba, which led to the arrest of two Salvadorans, were organized from El Salvador.
At first, the Salvadoran functionaries denied any connection with or knowledge of Luis Posada and they also denied that he had entered the country. Cuba responded by reminding them of the report they had sent 13 months earlier giving several addresses where Posada was living. Cuban intelligence had photos and even videotape of Posada walking down the streets of San Salvador, which even had been given to the U.S. government. In 1998, the Cuban government provided a U.S. delegation headed by a high FBI official with 220 pages, 5 video cassettes, and 5 audio cassettes of documentation of terrorist acts against Cuba paid for by the CANF. The documentation stressed the connection between the terrorist acts and persons living in Miami and New Jersey. The documentation also included information regarding the CANF organizing Central American mercenaries which was directed by Luis Posada. A video cassette provided to the U.S. government contained footage of Posada recruiting the mercenaries. As stated above, Posada later admitted that he had organized terrorist groups from El Salvador. The U.S. or El Salvador did not take any action. Furthermore, the Cuban government pointed out the migratory movements of Posada, which were later acknowledged by the Salvadoran authorities. Posada Carriles had entered and departed from El Salvador 59 times since 1995 and had left El Salvador only two weeks before he was captured in Panama. It is also worth noting that Posada and other members of the his group had been traveling with authentic Salvadoran passports. Mario Acosta Oertel, the Minister of Interior of El Salvador, then acknowledged that they had received a report from Cuba but that it was only two pages and didn't not contain sufficient information to capture Posada. However, the Salvadoran authorities had 13 months to initiate an investigation and did nothing. Later, Oertel admitted that Posada had indeed worked for the Salvadoran government upon escaping from prison and that he was openly living in the country until 1992. That means that the ARENA government was openly letting a terrorist who had escaped from prison live and work in the country (Christiani of ARENA was elected in 1989). Apparently, in 1992 he changed names, was labeled a terrorist instead of a government worker, lost all contact with the ARENA government and disappeared, although at the same time mysteriously living in El Salvador. Even more embarrassing, was the fact that only shortly after Oertel stated that the information sent by Cuba did not contain enough proofs, President Castro granted an interview with Mauricio Funes and a 3 hour version of the interview appeared on national television. In the interview, President Castro revealed the document that he had sent to President Flores (it was longer than two pages). Not only did it contain information on Posada, it included the names of his contacts in El Salvador, their addresses, their businesses and he also revealed that Cuba has videotape of Posada with his contacts. Some of the names of Posada's contacts that President Castro released included Hugo Barrera ex-director of Public Security and the Minister of Interior Oertel himself. When asked what is the relationship between the Minister of Interior and Luis Posada, President Castro responded, " very close friends".
Since the exposure of the official party's implicated dealings with terrorists and the immunity upheld for Legislative Deputy Francisco Merino after he shot and wounded a police officer (calling it a misdemeanor) many are alarmed of the corrupted state of justice in El Salvador.
Solidarity in Action: Cinquera's Revolutionary Ecological Park
Cinquera, Cabaas, is a community that was completely destroyed by the war. Not a home was left standing, an animal left alive, and at least 1/2 the population was massacred at the hands of the Salvadoran military, National Guard and National Police. In February of 1991, in the midst of the war, people began to move back to Cinquera, to re-fertilize the seeds that had been left in the ashes.
In less than 10 years the community has been able to build houses for every family, rebuild the city hall, their church, and community hall. Not only that, the community has embarked on micro-enterprise activities, despite the pressure against them from neo-liberal economic measures. They have created a successful carpentry and artisan cooperative, production of natural medicines, shampoos, and cosmetic products, organic brown sugar production, and other alternative crops. They have also played an important role in preserving the towns history by erecting a monument to those who died in the massacre of Guadalupe and Tenango and were buried in an indigo well left by the Spanish. The people of Cinquera preserved the one wall standing of the church to be the face of the new church, so as not to forget their history. Ironically, the church bell was stolen by the army and two 500 pound bombs left by the army are used to as bells now to call people to church.
The community also has had the long term vision to try to preserve the forest that had grown up over Cinquera after the village was abandoned during the war. They saw this as key to breaking the isolation of Cinquera and attracting visitors. (The community is situated one hour north of Suchitoto and Ilobasco down a very rocky road). They also saw the need to protect the forest to guarantee fresh air and water for the future generations. They were up against powerful builders who wanted to destroy the forest for economic benefits. To withstand strong economic bribes and pressure when the community itself faces the grave economic crisis and look toward long term needs over urgent immediate crises, took not only a leap of faith, but a very determined community leadership and unity.
The Park "Deep Crossing" in addition to preserving nature, preserves the country's history. Once the site of FMLN encampments and hospitals, the project includes sites re-built by the people who lived in the mountains during the war in their original form. The encampment includes an "operating room", kitchen, and "Vietnamese" stoves, designed to spread smoke over a range so that it could not be detected by military helicopters and planes. The park also has a natural waterfall and swimming hole to cool off in after a steep hike.
The park, scheduled for completion in March of 2001, will be an important recreational and historical site for Salvadorans. In October of this year, 70 children who live and work in the streets of San Salvador, headed by the Olof Palme Foundation, visited Cinquera's park. They commented that they had never breathed fresh air before. The youth thought they were in a foreign country but then were excited to learn that is was part of their country and about their own country's history and natural beauty.
The park was made possible in part by a contribution by Cinquera's sister parish, St. Robert Bellarmine, in order to be able to purchase the land. St. Roberts has played a key role in moral, political, spiritual, and economic accompaniment to the people of Cinquera since 1992. St. Roberts has aided in Cinquera's reconstruction by responding to direct requests from the municipality and by being a true and faithful sister. St. Roberts responded to the youth crisis and gang influence by supporting sports activities, artisan and carpentry workshops, scholarships and providing moral and spiritual accompaniment to the organized youth group. They also responded quickly with political support when ARENA tried to block an approved project for electricity in the town. St. Roberts has supported the pastoral work and preservation of the towns history among other things, all of which have provided solidarity to the people of Cinquera and El Salvador, and given them hope to continue in the face of great obstacles.