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CIS

Colonia Libertad,

Avenida Bolívar # 103

San Salvador, El Salvador

Centroamérica

Teléfonos:

(503) 2226-5362              

(503) 2235-1330

e-mail: cis_elsalvador@yahoo.com

November-December 2001

1. Direct Elections in the FMLN

2. ARENA Sacking the State

3. The "New" Mass Trasit System

November 25, 2001 was a historic date for democracy as the FMLN carried out the first direct election of party leaders, through a direct and secret vote by party members, in the history of El Salvador, and in fact, the first in the history of Latin America.

The Process

All official leadership positions within the party were voted upon. These direct internal elections differed from traditional "primaries" in that FMLN members were not internally electing other party members to run for public office but rather, internal leadership positions within the party were voted upon. However, it is important to point out that the FMLN does already have a rough date established for "primaries", around late November 2002.

Party members elected representatives for each the nine leadership organisms: 1) National Council; 2) General Coordinator of the party; 3) Departmental Directive; 4) Departmental Coordinator; 5) Departmental Delegates to the National Convention; 6) Municipal Directive; 7) Municipal Coordinator; 8) Delegates to the Departmental Convention; 9) Municipal Delegates to the National Convention; and 10) Delegates of Members in the Exterior to the National Convention.

Voting Centers were established in each municipality and each Voting Center had one Voting Table per every 100 party members. Each Table had 3 proprietors (in areas where each "tendency" was present there was one representative from each line of thinking) and 2 substitutes. After the votes were counted at each Table an act was written for each Table and passed on to the Municipal Electoral Commission, which has 5 proprietors and 2 substitutes. The Municipal Electoral Commission then gathered the data from each Table and wrote one municipal act. The municipal act was then passed on to the Departmental Electoral Commission, which has the same number of members as the municipal commission has. They subsequently gathered the data from all the municipalities in the department and wrote one departmental act. The Departmental Electoral Commission from each department then passed their acts on to the National Elections Tribunal and the official count was subsequently released. On some occasions the national organism reviewed even down to Table counts if there was some doubt as to the accuracy of the count.

Results

The majority of the party's base made clear that it wants a party that continues to be revolutionary and socialist. Of the 35 positions voted upon in the National Council, which is the highest decision making body after the National Convention, 28 are from the Revolutionary Socialist Current (CRS), 5 from the Unionist tendency and 2 are Renovators. Nine of the top ten positions in the National Council went to persons associated with the CRS. Schafik Hándal (CRS) obtained the most votes in the National Council despite the media's constant campaign against him, owing to his firm socialist and revolutionary politics. Hector Silva, Mayor of San Salvador and Unionist, obtained the second highest number of votes demonstrating popularity. Party members elected Leonel González (Salvador Sánchez Cerén) by a wide margin as General Coordinator. Leonel González (CRS) won with 44.1% of the vote while Francisco Jovel (Renovator) and Gerson Martínez (Unionist) followed behind with 27.1% and 26.6%, respectively. The fourth candidate, Angel García, achieved about 2% of the vote. In addition, of the 14 new Departmental Coordinators, 7 (which include the 4 most populated departments) are identified with the CRS, 4 are identified with the Unionists, and 3 Department Coordinators went to the Renovators.

Over 33,000 of almost 80,000 members participated in the elections. Reasons for not voting included: transportation difficulties; not being able to take off from work; discontent with the internal situation of the party; and in some cases problems with the voting register (however the problem was not a large enough to have any significant affect on the outcome).

Reactions

The CIS observing delegation - made up of individuals from the United States, Canada, Norway, and Australia - sent out observers to San Pedro Perulapán and Mercedes Umaña. In addition, observers from CISPES, the Worker's Party of Mexico, the Leftist Socialist Party of Norway, the Communist Party of China and various Salvadoran political analysts were also present observing the elections. Members from Cuba's Department of the Americas were also invited by the FMLN but their visa request was effectively blocked by Salvadoran authorities even though the same individuals had previously visited the country, on various occasions, to meet with Salvadoran governmental institutions and private businesses.

The CIS and the other observers agreed that the elections were carried out without any major problems and in a spirit of respect. There are components that can be improved for the future but overall, especially considering it was the first election of party leadership by secret direct vote to be carried out in El Salvador, the process was democratic and inspiring. Ingel Norberg of the Leftist Socialist Party of Norway stated, "It is fantastic that a party has this democratic process. We are very impressed by how they carry it out." Li Lianfu expressed that "It is a good opportunity to learn from you (the FMLN)" In addition, the Co-Latino's headline after the elections ran "FMLN Impelled a Democratic Process in El Salvador" The Political Institute of the FMLN also was satisfied with the electoral process.

With the historic and revolutionary process within the FMLN, ARENA's party structure has been even more exposed as being secretive, authoritarian and representative of only a tiny minority's interests. In October, Roberto Murray Meza, president of COENA (the highest decision-making authority in ARENA) solely appointed the rest of the council. The other members include his friends and are among the richest owners in the country. ARENA's reaction to the FMLN's historic process has been to unleash a media campaign (ARENA being the "party of the private sector" has a close relationship with the major media) in an attempt to discredit the elections within the FMLN. The media's strategy ranged from unproportionately covering claims of fraud to outright defamation. For example, on Monday, 26 November, the day after the elections, between the two large dailies (La Prensa Grafica and El Diario de Hoy) there were 6 complete pages dedicated to the elections. There were 6 headlines, one on each page, and 6 corresponding main articles on each page. 5 of the headlines, and the corresponding articles, were solely dedicated to fraud or "irregularities" in the voting process without any counter opinion in any of the main articles. The remaining article was a "color" piece laced with comments dedicated to Héctor Silva's shirt and how Schafik Hándal held a baby girl. Of the four smaller compete articles, three were dedicated to "irregularities" and/or of a defamatory tone. One title read "Schafik, Don't Scare the Girl" and ended with stating that someone had shouted, "He wants to eat her", in reference to the government's war time propaganda, which repeatedly stated that FMLN members ate children in order to survive. Despite all the media's effort at discrediting the process as well as polarizing sympathizers and members of the FMLN, not one official complaint was filed regarding fraud in the actual electoral process.

Conclusions

The achievements of the process include building a culture of participatory democracy. Also, the measure will now force party leaders to consult and take debates to the bases in a more series manner. The debates leading up to the elections were a political school and a chance for the bases to ask questions and express their opinions.

During the last year and a half the FMLN has been on a notable and productive path to solidifying itself as a reliably strong party that is "socialist, revolutionary, and democratic". The party has taken great strides in assuring a firm and coherent party that can create structural change to benefit the poor majority. For example, in last December's party convention, the FMLN agreed to give political education courses to future party members as a requisite to being a party member. The FMLN has organized such classes throughout the country. Such effort is both a great consciousness-raising effort and an excellent way to re-invigorate the identity of the party. In addition, the FMLN has established regular meetings with the social movement in an attempt to further the goal of being a "party of social action, at the side of the social movement." Now, with the direct internal election of party leaders and next year's primaries, the FMLN has once again captured international light as a focused and determined revolutionary organism through which profound social change is possible. Such electoral process will also tremendously help the unity process within the party as the voice of the base has been heard and will be respected. The FMLN will move forward with the leaders chosen by the base. The FMLN is now solidifying itself as the historic revolutionary and socialist force within the political field. As ARENA is taking reactionary measures to privatize the state and assure dependency on the United States in preparation for a possible change of government, the FMLN is taking democratic and revolutionary measures to assure a strong and focused party worthy of national and international support - an important characteristic of the party since its founding.

Since 11 September the ARENA government, in conjuncture with international financial institutions, particularly the World Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank, has been on an accelerated path to strip the State of its most valuable sectors and turn them over for private profit. The events of 11 September have facilitated this process. Apparently, the goal seems to be twofold: 1) transfer key and profitable sectors, including their infrastructure, to private hands for their profit; and 2) leave the State without any way to generate income and powerless to make profound changes without a fierce and long battle. A key element in achieving their goal is the elimination of the unions that oppose such neo-liberal plans. The government's plan appears to be to attack and dismantle the Union Federation of Public Service Workers of El Salvador (FESTRASPES), thus establishing a clear run at privatization. Below is a brief update and analysis on the process in each sector.

Education

The privatization attack strategy in the educational sector can be seen on three fronts: 1) voluntary leave; 2) the World Bank program "Educo"; and 3) the aggressive privatization process of the two of the leading and most respected public high schools.

Voluntary leave was started by then-President Christiani in 1991 as one of the first steps in "reducing the state". The program was designed to eliminate teachers by giving incentives to those teachers who had 20-30 years teaching experience so they would leave their jobs. The initial goal was then to "freeze" the position and not hire another teacher. However, because of popular pressure from unions and the absurdity of eliminating teachers when almost a third of the country (over 15 years of age) was illiterate (according to official statistics and about a million children did not attend school because of lack of opportunity) the government backed down and exempted health and education from the "freeze" plan. The government then settled for not having to pay teachers on the upper-end pay scale and instead replacing them with new teachers.

The World Bank funded program known as "Educo" is another key program in the privatization plan. While the World Bank and the Salvadoran government boast that World Bank money goes to improve education, their hidden agenda is to dismantle the public education system. The money is destined for teachers in the rural areas; however, the money is not channeled through the Ministry of Education and the teachers are neither salaried teachers nor part of the permanent public system. At the end of this year ANDES (national teachers union) estimates that 3,000 to 4,000 teachers in this program will be released. There is, then, a program whose aim is to reduce the public system and a complementary program, based on debt, where the aim is to utilize and build a system based on "flexible" teachers (without job security or many benefits) outside the public realm.

The government is also taking steps to privatize the nation's two leading public high schools, INFRAMEN and Centro Escolar de Commercio. According to Rafael Coto of ANDES, it is in the plans of the Ministry of Education to privatize through "partnerships" with banks. In such plan, the schools depend on funding from private banks. However, the banks in turn, impose their will over the institutions.

Furthermore, the historic and well-respected University of El Salvador (UES) is under attack. The goal is to create discontent and unfunctionabilty so that the university can be privatized.  In 1980, 3.5% of the national budget went the UES. During the war the military bombed the University's buildings, burned laboratories, libraries and other equipment and not one-cent has ever been allocated to the UES for reconstruction after these crimes. In 2001, 1.7% of the budget went to the UES and the executive's proposal for 2002 is a shocking 0.8%. In comparison, Costa Rica gives 6% to their public university. With this allocation the executive government is consciously condemning the UES to deficit and instability.

Health Care

Since the new director of the ISSS (Salvadoran Social Security Institute, public health care) took over in June 2001, 71 workers have been fired, mostly members the union, STISSS. Based on meetings with administration, the union is anticipating around 2,000 firings in January. The target areas are maintenance, security and custodial positions.

Currently the government is allocating a suffocating 1.8% of the GDP to the Ministry of Public Health in an effort to reduce the State's responsibility in providing health care for its citizens. The Ministry of Public Health would need an increase of 94% in order provide sufficient service to the population. In addition, the "Concessions Law" was recently passed by the Right block in the Legislative Assembly, which helps pave the way for the privatization of health. The law was based on the ANEP's (National Association of Private Business) suggestions provided in the "Reforma del Sector de Salud" (Health Sector Reform). The STISSS and Colegio Medico have published an alternative proposal that contains the following observations:

However, judging on past and present experience, health care workers will not give up. In a speech given at the budget forum organized by the FMLN, Dr. Magda stated that they are tired of signing agreements with the government (in 1998 they signed an agreement with the government which stated that no aspect of the public health system would be privatized) because the executive government never respects the accords. He affirmed, now, they will start a new struggle.

Water

The Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) and ARENA are setting the groundwork for the privatization of water through a loan from the IDB. The loan was signed in October 2001 and currently the Legislative Assembly must approve the conditions, which will allow the first disbursement of the loan.

In order to receive these disbursements, the Assembly must approve the legal framework to comply with the conditions. In order to receive the first disbursement, the condition was to have presented a "decentralization" strategy based on the IDB guidelines.

In an article written by José Antonio Morales Carbonell in the 13 December Co Latino, he states, "The three fundamental elements of the said strategy are: the possible concession of the large systems or group of systems to private operating companies, the deconcentration of ANDA (public water company) and the decentralization of the small municipal systems actually operated by ANDA..." He continues: "decentralization meaning 'transferring the administration and operation of a system of potable water or a group of small municipal systems to a independent company with private standing formed by the municipality or association of municipal users and preferably with the participation of the private sector, with or without lucrative ends."

According to Oscar Bolaños from SETA (state water company union) and head of FESTRASPES (Union Federation of Public Service Workers of El Salvador) the union is anticipating around 1,000 firings in January. In addition, the union leader also made evident that there are French and Spanish companies interested in the water system and they are only waiting for the establishment of a legal framework to protect their interests.

Ports

In September, under the guise of the "war on terrorism", 154 airport workers were "laid off for 9 months" at gun point.⁵ Owing to the conditions of poverty, 75 workers have accepted the government severance pay; thereby accepting that his is no layoff but rather enforced redundancy. Furthermore, workers had taken out loans to rebuild their homes after the earthquakes and now they are being threatened by the banks. In order not to immediately lose their homes they were manipulated into accepting the severance pay. According to Joaquín Campos, General Secretary of SITEAIES (the airport worker's union), the government (in conjecture with private enterprise) strategy is to use the war on terrorism as an excuse to lay off workers, primarily from the union, for 9 months because of "security reasons" then force them into accepting their offer to be "voluntarily let go". This way, they can say they have not "fired" anyone, dismantle the union and have a smooth shot at privatization. Immediately, the two strategic areas to privatize are cargo and security.

With the preparation of Plan Puebla Panama and the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), private interests have their eyes on Port of Acajutla so as to reap the profit from the foreseen "free trade". According to the Salvadoran Port Industry Union (SIPES), those behind the privatization process and with interests in the Port are none other than: 1) Alfredo Cristiani, ex-president of El Salvador and owner of Banco Cuscatlan; 2) Ricardo Montenegro of UNIFERSA (involved in the loss of fertilizer donated by the Japanese government); and 3) Leonel Mejía, President of ALCASA and the Simán Consortium. In order to achieve the privatization of the Port of Acajutla the government has initiated a defamatory campaign against SIPES. It has placed expensive advertisements on television and radio stating that the port is on verge of collapsing because of the worker's excessive demands and salaries. Ruy César Miranda, President of the Autonomous Port Executive Commission (CEPA), claims there are million colon losses owing to the "operative system". However, César Zelidón, SIPES representative, has pointed out that the yearly port records, dating from 1998-2000, presented to the Legislative Assembly contain no evidence of the millions in losses. He also pointed out that CEPA's annual spending is ¢33.8 million colones (CEPA includes the International Airport of El Salvador, the Port of Cutuco and the Port of Acajuta, among others) and of that amount, ¢11.5 million goes to 52 executives.  Ruy Miranda himself earns ¢40,000 colones a month. The union representative also pointed out that the port, in its nature, is profitable. He adds, "How is it possible that in 1998 President Armando Calderón Sol declared that Acajutla was profitable and one of the most modern ports in Central America and the following year they say not any more...?" The union states that the current problems with the port are owing to its administration. Particularly, it points to the administrative salaries and to corruption. For example, the union claims there are some barges that have special privileges and pay discounted rates.

As predicted, the privatization of profitable public sectors (and other neo-liberal measures) has left the State with insufficient money to cover its budget and further "cut backs" are necessary. Further cut backs and "concessions" means less income, which means more dependency on loans and fewer social services (basic human rights). And the deadly cycle continues. The global and national elite along with the international financial institutions make out like bandits on the misery of the masses, but the chickens might come home to roost as the deficit created by ARENA continues to grown and the economy continues to sink.

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The "New" Mass Transit System

On 27 November three bus owners' associations went on strike because of a new "modernization" plan being carried out by the government. This modernization plan includes:

The bus strike lasted from 27 November until 1 December and cost the bus industry around ¢11 million colones (US $1.26 million). Tension, extreme measures and a lack of willingness to dialogue on the government's part, characterized the strike. On the first day of the strike bus associations stationed between 80-90 buses on one of the principal streets of San Salvador, blocking and congesting the entire area. However, the government was not willing to sit down with the bus owner's associations. The government sent out the military and police force to arrest those who were "breaking the peace". Bus association leaders from AEAS, AEAS-2, and ATP called for dialogue and negotiation on several occasions but President Flores and his functionaries repeatedly stated "there is nothing to negotiate." The Human Rights Procurator Beatrice de Carillo played a mediator role, helping end the strike. She also strongly criticized the government for their lack of willingness to start a dialogue. "Imagine if I, being a public functionary, did not have access to talk with the Vice-Minister (Ricardo Yúdice), now think of them (the bus association representatives)." However, it is also appalling that the bus owners would call for support from a population that has had to support reckless driving, pollution, insecurity, vulgarities, lack of respect and loss of many loved ones because of their historic resistance to health and safety regulations. It is probably for this reason - lack of public support - the government was able to run roughshod over the bus owners.

Possibly the most surprising act of the "war" between bus owners and the government was the capture and detention of Genaro Ramírez, president of AEAS, Mario Lara, president of AEAS-2, and Joaquín Herrera, president of ATP. The representatives were arrested for public disorder and illegally carrying arms. On 4 December, Judge Velásquez granted conditional liberty to the three association leaders. Ramírez was found innocent of illegally porting arms; all the legal paperwork for his handgun was in line. Upon Ramírez' release, his defense attorney, Ricardo Martínez, stated, "The president lies", alluding that President Flores had invented charges in order to justify the capture. Heavy criticisms fell on the government as many suggested that times are returning to the era of the National Guard. Nelson García, FMLN Deputy, stated "From now on nobody is going to be able to pronounce against the government."

As the editorial in the December Proceso (Jesuit university weekly publication) points out, "The grave situation of public transport is undeniable. Abuses, insecurity, horrible service and contamination are some of the daily problems that Salvadorans have to face while the authorities refuse to take drastic measures to stop the problem." However, the "plan" the government has is quite vague and the "central points" of the plan appear to change from day to day and paper to paper. It appears as if the government is not really interested in solving the underlying problems of the transport system. "The disorder and the corruption that have prevailed in the sector have not only been responsibility of the bus owners and their associations but they also received the support of high level functionaries, who favored that disorder and corruption." So why would ARENA be all of sudden interested in solving the underlying problems? The people that ARENA defends do not ride buses.

The current government plan is not orderly nor is it for the well being of the majority of the population or the environment. Many believe that behind the new plan lay the economic interests of Roberto Murray Meza who is the owner/president of Star Motors, which imports Mercedes Benz buses. In one week, the Ministry of Public Works confiscated dozens of buses in accordance with a law that has existed for years. Yet prior to Star Motors existence, nobody had enforced the law. Henceforth, bus owners will be forced to buy new buses and Star Motors will sell a lot of buses. In essence, the subsidies under the government's plan will conveniently return to Meza's company. In addition, by significantly reducing the number of buses and tighter control of ownership could, in the end, increase the waiting time and therefore force individuals to use more cars. The government is currently requiring all buses over 15 years old be retired from the streets regardless of condition. Instead, the government could condition retirement of fleets based on emission regulations and safety standards. Furthermore, as CESTA president, Ricardo Navarro, pointed out, "the principal contaminators of the environment are the particular cars, not buses..."

In relation to the subsidy, the subsidy itself is not the problem; "on the contrary it is a distribution mechanism, which well administered can make citizens' lives less difficult by not having to risk their lives, be mistreated by irresponsible drivers, or ride buses that do not meet the minimum safety or hygiene standards. The opposite has happened in El Salvador, where the subsidy was a charge, that until a few days ago, the particular motorist had to pay without the benefits of security and comfort - which is the obligation of the bus owners in exchange for the subsidy- arriving to the users."  The system that the government is proposing is in reality the same system with some changes.

Even though this "war" was/is between two conservative forces, there are some important conclusions that can be drawn. Particularly, the government's lack of willingness to dialogue, its severe actions against those with a different opinion, and their relentless pursuit to transfer profits to the elite of the country at the expense of anyone, even alliances, are all quite worrisome. According to Ramírez, over 600 buses were given free of charge to use for the Flores presidential campaign and over 800 were given to use in the Calderón Sol campaign. ARENA is on a sack-the-State campaign (roads are public property) and not even old friends can get in the way.

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